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Iran War Live Updates: Iran Threatens Retaliation Over U.S. Blockade

White House Praises Congress for Rejecting War Powers Resolution, Clearing Path for Continued Action Against Iran

 White House Praises Congress for Rejecting War Powers Resolution, Clearing Path for Continued Action Against Iran

On March 5, 2026, the White House issued a strong statement commending the U.S. House of Representatives for defeating a bipartisan war powers resolution that sought to halt President Donald Trump's military operations in Iran. The measure, which failed by a narrow 219-212 vote largely along party lines, would have required congressional approval for any further U.S. hostilities against Iran or its government. The rejection came one day after a similar resolution collapsed in the Senate on a 53-47 vote, effectively giving the administration continued leeway to prosecute the conflict now in its sixth day.The White House statement declared: "Congress has reaffirmed the Commander-in-Chief's Constitutional authority to protect the American people from the Iranian regime's murderous ambitions and imminent threats." Officials emphasized that the votes demonstrated bipartisan recognition of the president's Article II powers to respond to perceived dangers without prior legislative consent in cases of urgent national security.This development underscores the political dynamics surrounding Operation Epic Fury—the U.S.-Israel joint campaign launched on February 28, 2026, with precision strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, missile facilities, IRGC command centers, and senior leadership, including the killing of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Iran has retaliated with missile and drone barrages targeting Israeli territory, U.S. bases in the Gulf, and allied installations, though launch volumes have declined significantly in recent days.Background: The War Powers Resolution and Congressional DebateThe resolution in question, H.Con.Res. 38, was introduced by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), invoking Section 5(c) of the 1973 War Powers Resolution. It directed the president to terminate unauthorized U.S. armed forces involvement in hostilities against Iran unless Congress enacted a declaration of war or specific authorization for use of military force (AUMF). Proponents argued the action violated constitutional requirements for congressional oversight of war-making, especially given the absence of a formal declaration since World War II and the lack of prior authorization for this campaign.During floor debate, Massie challenged his own party: "The Constitution is clear: Our Constitution provides Congress initiatory powers of war." Khanna and Democratic supporters, including Reps. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.) and Mike Levin (D-Calif.), described the strikes as a "war of choice" with vague objectives and shifting rationales from the administration. They warned of escalation risks, civilian casualties in Iran (reported at over 1,200), and potential entanglement in a prolonged regional conflict.House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) led opposition, arguing the operation was "limited" and not a full-scale war. He stated passing the resolution "would have been a very serious misstep by Congress" and that "we are not at war" but conducting necessary defensive actions. Johnson praised the outcome as support for Trump's strategy.The vote split mostly along party lines. Four Democrats crossed over to vote against the resolution: Reps. Jared Golden (D-Maine), Greg Landsman (D-Ohio), Henry Cuellar (D-Texas), and Juan Vargas (D-Calif.). These lawmakers represent moderate or swing districts and have previously supported stronger national security postures. Some had co-sponsored an alternative measure offering Trump a 30-day window to wind down operations before requiring authorization, reflecting a preference for structured limits over immediate cessation.Two Republicans defied leadership to support the resolution: Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Warren Davidson (R-Ohio). Davidson, an Army veteran, criticized the action as contrary to "America First" principles and a revival of the "globalist war machine."The Senate Precedent and Broader Congressional DynamicsThe House vote followed the Senate's rejection on March 4 of a parallel resolution sponsored by Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.). That measure failed 53-47, with most Republicans united in opposition and a handful of Democrats (including Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa.) voting against it. Senate Republicans argued the president complied with War Powers notification requirements—submitting a report within 48 hours of the initial strikes—and that the 60- to 90-day clock allows operations to continue absent congressional action.Some GOP senators indicated flexibility: if the conflict expands dramatically or casualties mount significantly, support could shift toward restraint. Democrats, led by figures like Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) and Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), condemned the strikes as "illegal" and urged reassertion of congressional war powers.White House Rationale and Constitutional ClaimsThe administration maintains the strikes were justified under the president's Article II authority as Commander-in-Chief to repel imminent threats and conduct foreign relations. The March 2 War Powers report to Congress cited defensive necessity against Iran's nuclear breakout risk, missile threats to U.S. forces, and proxy attacks. Officials deny the campaign constitutes "war" requiring AUMF, framing it as limited, precision operations akin to past strikes against Iranian targets under previous administrations.President Trump has rated U.S. performance highly, describing the campaign as "15 out of 10" in effectiveness. He has urged Iranians to "take back your country" and suggested openness to a post-Khamenei transition, though he has not ruled out further escalation.Strategic and Legal AnalysisFrom a constitutional standpoint, presidents since the 1973 War Powers Resolution have frequently initiated military actions without prior congressional approval, notifying lawmakers afterward. Examples include Reagan's Libya strikes, Clinton's Kosovo campaign, Obama's Libya intervention, and Trump's 2020 Soleimani strike. Courts have rarely intervened, viewing such disputes as political questions.Critics argue this pattern erodes Article I congressional war powers. Supporters counter that modern threats—rapid missile launches, cyber attacks, proxy warfare—require executive agility. The Iran operation tests these boundaries: initial strikes targeted high-value assets, but expansion to inland targets and naval engagements raises questions about scope.Militarily, the campaign has degraded Iranian missile stocks (down 60-70% in launches) and air defenses, but risks remain: Iranian proxies could intensify attacks, oil disruptions could spike prices, and escalation might draw in Gulf allies or Russia/China diplomatically.Public opinion shows mixed support: initial polls indicate majority disapproval of Trump's handling, with casualty sensitivity (six U.S. deaths in Kuwait) potentially influencing future congressional willingness.Implications Moving ForwardThe dual congressional rejections provide short-term political cover for the administration, allowing operations to proceed under the War Powers 60-day window. However, if the conflict drags beyond spring or U.S. losses rise, pressure could mount for an AUMF vote or de-escalation.Democrats plan continued oversight, with some moderates favoring alternatives that balance security and restraint. Republicans, while supportive now, face internal divisions—libertarian voices like Massie and Davidson highlight "America First" skepticism of prolonged engagements.The votes reflect a Congress reluctant to confront a president of its own party early in a conflict, echoing patterns from past wars. Whether this tacit authorization holds as events unfold will test institutional checks and balances in an era of executive-led military policy.


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